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Britan's Road to Socialism: Part 1 - age of empires

Capitalism is economically, socially and politically bankrupt. So argues the new edition of Britain's Road to Socialism (BRS), the Communist Party strategy for a society which puts ordinary people first.

capitalism predatoryAs a system, capitalism no longer makes a progressive contribution to human development. Its sole purpose - to make maximum profit for the private owners of industry and commerce - is exposed, together with its deep general crisis and the suffering it causes.

Billions of the world's people live in poverty, without access to education, medical services and sanitation. Populations starve while in other parts of the world food mountains are destroyed. Environmental destruction goes unchecked. Big business fails to cut carbon emissions, depletes finite resources and refuses to invest in safe, renewable energy.

Corruption discredits politics. Culture is usurped to try to ensure that selfishness and individualism permeate society. Social inequality is deep-rooted and endemic.

BRS outlines the development of capitalism, concentrating on its imperialist stage from the late 19th century.

As monopolies grew, each sector of the economy came to be dominated by a handful of giant enterprises. Industrial and banking capital merged to form finance capital. Monopoly capitalists invested abroad, moving some operations overseas and forming vast transnational corporations.

Rivalry between empires for resources and markets intensified. State functions were enhanced during the first world war between the imperialist powers. The ruling class in each of the main capitalist countries used the power of the state to protect their monopolies. Economic and political power fused, giving birth to state-monopoly capitalism.

But after the 1917 October Revolution imperialist domination was challenged by socialism. In response fascism - the terroristic weapon of the most reactionary capitalists - was unleashed in Italy, Germany and elsewhere to crush the demands of working people expressed through their trade unions and communist and workers' parties.

Following World War II imperialism entered its second phase.

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Britain's Road to Socialism: Part 2 - Principles of power

capitalist democracyIt seeks to define present-day relations between economic power and political power, the consequences for the lives of working people and the options that exist for shifting the balance of power in their favour.

The chapter begins by posing the riddle of our democracy. Workers secured the vote almost a century ago. Yet the interests of the very rich remain overwhelmingly dominant - so much so that the distribution of wealth has become even more unequal over the past 50 years.

How can this be? How can working people gain the power to elect governments, yet find that political power is still exercised against them? The answer is that there is more to power than simply governmental power. There is also state power.


This represents the whole complex of institutions that ensure that the necessary conditions are continually reproduced in which capitalist exploitation can take place.

They originated in the 17th century, when capitalist power was first consolidated in Britain.

This state power comprises all the institutions that make the unequal relationship between capital and labour inescapable and also, in terms of the way people see the world, make them seem necessary and normal.

These institutions are the legal system, the apparatus of government represented by the senior Civil Service and intelligence chiefs, the media, the education system and, in the last resort, the forces of armed coercion that defend the rights of capitalist property and prevent labour from exercising its full collective strength.

This capitalist state is far older than our democracy. It ensures that even a government wanting to move in a socialist direction is faced by a functioning system policed by market forces and an array of institutions that will seek to define and limit that government's options.

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Britan's Road to Socialism: Part 3 - Society's gain

The profit motive on which capitalism is based ensures that crises are endemic in this parasitic system.

Far from solving crises, accumulation, speculation and greed ensure that the merry-go-round of temporary stability is quickly followed by recession.

Social democratic attempts to reform the system have had some positive effects, showing the benefits of public ownership, planning and the redistribution of wealth.

But the social democratic experiment has always been doomed while capitalist economic and state power remains dominant.

This is certainly the case in Britain, Germany, some Scandinavian countries, Australia and New Zealand.

On the other hand, if democratic rather than capitalist public ownership had been implemented - with greater workers' control, less compensation for the former owners and a greater attention to public need rather than private greed - the outcome could have been different and lasted longer.

racismSocialist public ownership would end monopoly capitalist control of the economy and in doing so would put an end to the exploitation of the working class because surplus labour would no longer be performed for capitalist profit.

It would be used instead for the benefit of society as a whole.

The material basis for the oppression of women and black people which sustains class relations would also be removed.

Racism and sexism have operated at an ideological and an economic level to sustain capitalist relations of production.

Since its inception, capitalism has extracted enormous profits from women and black people.

Socialism provides the material basis for ending this oppression and exploitation.

However, it doesn't eradicate it immediately.

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Britan's Road to Socialism: Part 4 - Quit stalling

Which forces in society can be mobilised to resist the policies of state-monopoly capitalism and won for progressive change and socialism?

Britain's Road to Socialism (BRS) aims to maximise the forces for progress and revolution, and minimise those in opposition at any given stage.

Different groups of people have their own reasons for challenging aspects of today's economic and social system. But their common enemy is state-monopoly capitalism, which exploits workers here and abroad, oppresses large sections of society, strives to roll back democratic rights, blocks progress on every front, generates militarism and war, and now threatens the viability of our planet.

The working class has the most direct interest in overthrowing the system that rules and exploits workers, condemns them to poverty at various stages in life and confines most people to a lifetime of inequality and insecurity.

The new BRS identifies at the core of the working class those industrial workers who produce commodities directly for capitalist profit. But it also breaks new ground with its insistence that public-sector workers are exploited as well, although their surplus value accrues to the capitalist class as a whole through the state. Public services are essential for the functioning of capitalist society, not least those that sustain and enhance the provision of labour power.

In fact, without the labour power supplied by workers, capitalism would almost immediately cease to function.

Self-employed and subcontracted labour also helps provide surplus value for the capitalist class.

Yet the conditions of capitalist production, trade and administration create the potential for the working class to liberate itself. Workers who share the same premises, employer or industry have a common interest in organising to improve their terms and conditions of employment. Through trade unions, in particular, they can develop and express their collective strength as a democratic, disciplined force in society.

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Britan's road to Socialism: Part 5 - The new strategy

Strikes and demonstrations are a constant feature of resistance to capitalist society, but they often proceed in isolation from each other and fail to confront the system itself.

So what is needed to overthrow this cycle of booms, busts and wars orchestrated by a minority of business barons - an arrangement dominated by financial speculators and millionaire politicians who steal the wealth produced by the labour of others?

Britain's Road to Socialism (BRS) argues that two fundamental, interlocking elements are needed if state-monopoly capitalism is to be challenged successfully.

First, a coherent alternative economic and political strategy (AEPS) has to be developed that inspires and unites the organised working class and progressive movements.

Second, a popular, democratic anti-monopoly alliance of forces has to be built to pursue such a strategy - an alliance that is sustainable and unstoppable.Progress towards socialism will require the left and the labour movement to learn from the disparate industrial and community battles that take place, and work to unite a mass movement in which the organised working class would be the leading force.

The new BRS recognises that such an alliance must take account of the different conditions in Scotland and Wales, with their own distinctive legislatures, politics and policies.

However, as the majority of the capitalist monopolies are owned and controlled at the British level, and political power is predominantly exercised through the British state, it is essential to maintain and strengthen the unity in the labour and progressive movements built up across the three nations of Britain.

To be effective, the AEPS must have at its heart a left-wing programme (LWP) of policies that promotes the interests of the working class and the majority of ordinary people.

As the class struggle has three distinct but inter-related fronts - economic, political and cultural-ideological - the LWP addresses these areas.

The economic objective must be to protect and improve living standards for working people and their families based on full employment in a modern, productive, balanced and sustainable domestic economy.

The People's Charter for Change, the Charter for Women and the Charter for Youth all contain policies that set out the first steps in this process.

In doing so, they lay the basis for more advanced policies to be developed by a future left-wing government committed to curbing the City financial domination of the economy.

The LWP therefore proposes taking the financial sector and key industries into democratic ownership, imposing controls on the export of capital and ensuring that Britain can pursue its own foreign policy independent from the US and the European Union.

This, alongside establishing a progressive taxation system, would make it possible to fund the massive investment needed in public services, manufacturing and housing, and to develop an integrated, publicly-owned transport system and new and safer forms of energy production.

In order to expand democratic rights and popular participation in every form of struggle, the LWP proposes the repeal of all anti-democratic, racist and anti-trade union laws, abolition of the House of Lords, the renewal of local government and progress towards a federal republic including a parliamentary chamber for England.

The LWP also includes policies to promote the values of collectivism, co-operation, multiculturalism and solidarity, encouraging the development of a people's, democratic culture.

The media monopolies that promote racism, sexism, homophobia, ageism and the values of monopoly capitalism would be broken up in favour of wider participation.

The Morning Star - as the only daily paper of the labour movement and with an editorial policy based on Britain's Road to Socialism - will play an increasingly important role in the battle of ideas to inform, mobilise and inspire the popular and revolutionary movement.

The election of a left government based on a Labour, Socialist and Communist majority - backed by a popular democratic anti-monopoly alliance and committed to the LWP - would mark the opening stage of Britain's socialist revolution, but it will not be achieved without the working class fully engaging in the electoral struggle.

Whether such governments are won with or without electoral alliances or pacts is less important than the need for socialists and communists to approach electoral strategy with a combination of political principle and tactical flexibility.

Different levels of left co-operation, co-ordination and unity are possible in election periods, although the Communist Party's preference is to build strategic alliances based on mass campaigning in between elections rather than rely upon short-term tactical agreements.

Winning elections in England, Scotland and Wales will be necessary to ensure that such a LWP has the democratic endorsement of the people.

Popular support and participation will be vital when countering attempts by monopoly capitalism and its supporters - within and outside the state apparatus - to challenge and sabotage the left government and its policies.

The new edition of Britain's Road to Socialism can now be ordered from CPB, Ruskin House, 23 Coombe Road, Croydon CR0 1BD for £4 (including £1 postage).

 

http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/109135

 

Britain's Road to Socialism: Part 6 - The final piece

The revolutionary strategy proposed by the Communist Party's programme Britain's Road to Socialism (BRS) is based on the understanding that the state is a machine for the oppression of one class by another.

This is not an over-simplification or a one-dimensional view. Indeed, Marxists have been at the forefront of identifying and analysing the complexities of the modern state and its various functions.

However, these complexities cannot be allowed to confuse the question and mask the essential nature of the state - it exists to defend the economic and social system and the ruling class in whose interests that system operates.

Whether it's the workings of a legal and judicial system founded on the principle of private property, the use of the armed forces to ensure the extraction of super-profits abroad or the role of the state broadcasting system in marginalising dissent and whitewashing the crimes of imperialism, the state acts to maintain and reproduce the current system of inequality and exploitation.

The election of a left government will not change this. A host of mechanisms within Parliament and the political system, as well as outside them, help to maintain and where possible widen the gulf between the people and their elected representatives.

It is on this question that the strategy outlined in the new BRS differs fundamentally from those on the left who support a parliamentary road to socialism.

For communists there needs to be fundamental change not only in terms of who runs the state apparatus, but in the very structure, role and character of the state.

A left government in Britain would be surrounded not only by top state personnel who are hostile to socialism, but also by a state apparatus designed to protect and maintain capitalism - not to abolish it.

Even the most modest measures to shift the balance of power towards the working class are likely to come under sustained attack from within the state, the capitalist media and elsewhere.

The only long-term solution to this problem is to move beyond the parliamentary struggle.

The working class must take state power from the capitalist class and use it to begin building socialism and defeating all attempts at counter-revolution.

Britain's Road to Socialism does not envisage this struggle as a single decisive battle.

Rather, it will be a revolutionary process going through a number of distinct but interconnected stages proceeding from the contradictions within capitalism and within the state itself.

The inability of a democratically elected left government to make changes without facing serious opposition from within the state will help to expose the nature of capitalist democracy.

This leads directly to the need to replace it with a socialist democracy in which the great mass of the people can participate directly in the exercise of state power.

As the BRS argues "new bodies of working-class and popular power are likely to be necessary to monitor or take over state functions," the aim being to "restructure and then replace the administrative and political apparatus with one designed to dismantle capitalism and construct a system that serves the interests of society as a whole."

Although this struggle is an ongoing process, its purpose is the essence of revolution - the taking of state power by the working class.

While mass extraparliamentary activity and the election of a left government would represent an important first stage, it is the process that follows that will prove decisive.

The new BRS also addresses the question of the international balance of forces during the struggle for socialism.

It is highly likely that a left government in Britain would face a huge propaganda offensive - attacks on sterling and the government's ability to borrow in financial markets, denunciations and diktats from the EU Commission, the European Central Bank and the European Court of Justice, restrictions on imports from Britain and other measures of destabilisation.

Nonetheless it is important not to overestimate these dangers.

As BRS puts it: "The policies in the left-wing programme are intended to reduce vulnerability to outside pressure and sabotage. This can be done, for instance, by taking strategic sectors and enterprises in the British economy into public ownership. Taxing the wealthy and monopoly profits would reduce the need for government borrowing. Britain should keep out of the eurozone as public opinion is prepared for possible confrontation with EU neoliberal policies. Britain's industrial base must be rebuilt and economic and political relations strengthened with non-imperialist and developing countries."

Ultimately it will be for the working class and the popular antimonopoly alliance it has constructed to lead in both building and defending socialism in Britain.

There are many lessons we can learn from previous and existing socialist countries.

But socialism - and the higher stage of communism - will be an expression of the will of the British working class and popular movement.

There is no reason why people should not comprehend that we share this earth in common, that we are interdependent, that the individual good of the vast majority requires the collective good and that co-operation and unity is better than conflict and division.

For the sake of humanity, the future is communism.

 

http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/news/content/view/full/109181

 

Emile Burns - Introduction to Marxism

A Scientific View of the World

Marxism is a general theory of the world in which we live, and of human society as a part of that world. It takes its name from Karl Marx (1818-1883), who, together with Friedrich Engels (1820-1895), worked out the theory during the middle and latter part of last century.

They set out to discover why human society is what it is, why it changes, and what further changes are in store for mankind. Their studies led them to the conclusion that these changes - like the changes in external nature-are not accidental, but follow certain laws. This fact makes it possible to work out a scientific theory of society, based on the actual experience of men, as opposed to the vague notions about society which used to be (and still are) put forward - notions associated with religious beliefs, race and hero-worship, personal inclinations or Utopian dreams.

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The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism

V.I. Lenin

Reproduced with thanks from the "Marxists Internet Archive"

Throughout the civilised world the teachings of Marx evoke the utmost hostility and hatred of all bourgeois science (both official and liberal), which regards Marxism as a kind of “pernicious sect”. And no other attitude is to be expected, for there can be no “impartial” social science in a society based on class struggle. In one way or another, all official and liberal science defends wage-slavery, whereas Marxism has declared relentless war on that slavery. To expect science to be impartial in a wage-slave society is as foolishly naive as to expect impartiality from manufacturers on the question of whether workers’ wages ought not to be increased by decreasing the profits of capital.

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Manifesto of the Communist Party

Communist Manifesto: An Introduction

As one would expect, the Communist Manifesto is a declaration of the intentions of a communist organization. Yet it has proved to be much more than this. It has also served as a brief and concise explanation of the ideas that form the foundation of communist and socialist ideology.

The following are selections from the Preface to the English edition, written by Frederick Engels January 30, 1888, London.

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British Road to Socialism Speaker's Notes

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Download this file (BRS_Notes.pdf)Britians Road to Socialism Speakers NotesHistory and Aims of the BRS, Political and economic crisis in Britain and the Fightback96 Kb

Britain's Road to Socialism and the Campaign for the People's Charter.

(speaker's notes by Jim Whyte)
Introduction.
  • First draft 1951; revised 9 times; prior to that For Soviet Britain,1935.
The strategic aim of the BRS:
  • To wrest economic and political power from the relatively small number of capitalists who own the means of production, distribution and exchange, but in themselves produce nothing, and give that economic and political power to the 85%+ of the population who, by hand and by brain, produce everything but own little or nothing but their labour power.
  • In a phrase, to win the Battle of Ideas.
  • On the face of it what could be simpler?

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